A hallmark of the rise of illiberal democracy is the suppression or intimidation of the judiciary.
Authoritarian rule can rarely abide the rule of law and seeks to subvert it by attacking judicial independence. We've seen this in Poland, Hungary, Turkey, even the United States where the Despot in Chief routinely castigates judges who, in upholding the law, deny his will.
Now it is Israel's turn.
Israel's Supreme Court, widely seen as a guardian of the country's founding democratic principles, is facing fierce pressure from political hard-liners who are challenging what they see as the court's overreach and liberal slant.
The stepped-up rhetoric and attempts to shackle the court are testing Israel's fragile democracy at a time when members of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's nationalist government have led an onslaught of attacks against the country's liberal institutions, stirring up populist sentiment and deepening a rift with the country's moderates.
In Israel, a country with a robust press and rowdy politics, criticism of the court isn't unusual, but its opponents rarely seek to curb its authority. It also comes as Netanyahu's hawkish coalition government, dominated by religious and nationalist parties, has escalated criticism of many of Israel's liberal bastions in the arts, media and civil society and pledged or carried out legislative action against them.
"The goal is clear: to dismantle, crush and destroy the foundations of the liberal Israeli democracy as we've known it, as we established it, as our forefathers dreamt it. All means are kosher," commentator Ben Caspit wrote in the Maariv daily.
Israel's Supreme Court has stood as an arbiter on landmark issues, such as the balance between religion and state or controversial military tactics like targeted assassinations of wanted militants. It is known for its independence and has been cursed by right-wing and left-wing governments alike.
Palestinians and dovish civil society groups turn to the Supreme Court to rule on the legality of settlement construction or the terms of arrest of prisoners, among others. It is among the country's most trusted institutions, especially among Israel's minority Arab population.
The court has also been used by lawmakers to score political points, a place where they can send popular but legally questionable laws to die.
Making its way through the court now, for example, is a challenge to a law meant to legalize hundreds of West Bank settlement homes built on private Palestinian land. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu supported the law, which was hugely popular with his settler base, but Netanyahu's own attorney general said he couldn't defend the law in court and it is expected to be struck down.
In August, the court partially ruled against a law that allowed the state to indefinitely detain African migrants to pressure them to leave the country, sparking outrage from lawmakers from the ruling Likud party, which spent years crafting the law.
Last month, the court struck down a contentious law that granted exemptions from military service to ultra-Orthodox men, in response to a challenge by secular Israeli Jews who want ultra-Orthodox Jews to participate in the mandatory service. Netanyahu's ultra-Orthodox coalition partners were livid.
The repeated setbacks prompted Education Minister Naftali Bennett and Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked to propose legislation that would limit the court's ability to strike down laws.
"This new situation, where the cancellation of laws has become routine, forces us, the legislators who were chosen by the public, to work to restore the appropriate balance between the authorities," Bennett said.
Another government minister has suggested lowering the retirement ages of judges as a way to assert greater control over the court's makeup.
There's an image emerging in these countries - Poland, Hungary, the United States, Turkey, and Israel and it's rather dark. It's the face of a new authoritarianism masquerading as democracy. And we play it smart. We always look the other way.
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